Image: The Ending of Mark in Codex Alexandrinus, c. AD 5th century. This is one of the oldest uncial witnesses to the traditional ending of Mark (Mark 16:9-20).
I recorded yesterday and posted today WM # 61
continuing the review of Pastor Carey Hardy’s 2012 sermon “The Added Ending” on
the ending of Mark’s Gospel in which he rejects the inspiration and
authenticity of Mark 16:9-20. In this
episode I offer analysis of the sermon’s covering of the external evidence for
the ending of Mark.
As do most who reject the authenticity of Mark 16:9-20, Hardy
gives central importance to the fact that two early Greek mss. end the Gospel
at Mark 16:8. Those two are codices
Vaticanus (B) and Sinaiticus (Aleph).
Here is a table of the Greek mss. for the ending of Mark:
Ending
|
Greek manuscripts
|
End at 16:8 (“Abrupt Ending”)
|
Aleph, B
|
16:1-8 plus “Shorter Ending”
|
None
|
16:1-8 plus “Shorter Ending” plus
16:9-20 (“Longer Ending”)
|
L, Psi, 083, 099, 579, L-1602, plus
274 [in margin]
|
End at 16:20 with “Freer Logion” after
v. 14
|
W
|
End at 16:20 (“Longer Ending”)
|
A, C, D, Q, family 13, and about a
thousand other Greek mss.
|
Even Vaticanus and Sinaiticus give evidence that they knew of
the longer ending. See my blog post on
the odd ending of Mark in Vaticanus and in Sinaiticus.
Hardy also calls attention to the versional evidence, citing
one Old Latin codex k [as Lunn points out, this ms. has notable irregularities
even in its transmission of Mark 16:1-8:
it omits the names of the women at the tomb, v. 1; it omits the clause “and
they said nothing to anyone in v. 8; it inserts a lengthy text between vv. 3
and 4, describing darkness and angels, possibly taken from the apocryphal Gospel of Peter]; one Syriac ms.
Sinaitic; about a hundred Armenian mss; and two Georgian mss.
Hardy does not cite, however, the significant versional
evidence in favor of Mark 16:9-20, which includes: the Old Latin, the Vulgate, the Syriac (the
Ditessaron, the Curetonian, the Peshitta, and the Harklean), etc.
When it comes to the Church Fathers, Hardy cites evidence
from Clement of Alexandria, Origen, Eusebius, Jerome, and Victor ofAntioch.
Responses: The
references to Clement of Alexandria and Origen are arguments ex silencio. Clement of Alexndria also offers no
references from Matthew 28 or Mark 16:1-8, though these are not challenged. We have neither a commentary or a collection
of sermons from Origen on Mark, so it is not surprising that we find no
references to them in his writings.
The often cited reference from Eusebius’ epistle Ad Marinum concerning Mark’s ending must
be read in context of Eusebius addressing a perceived conflict between the
resurrection accounts in Matthew and Mark, and his suggestion of one
hypothetical option [which he does not necessarily endorse] which would be to
deny the authenticity of Mark’s ending.
The supposed evidence from Jerome and Victor of Antioch is
simply their citation from Eusebius.
With regard to Jerome, he clearly did not reject the
traditional ending of Mark, as chiefly evidenced by the fact that he included
it in the Vulgate.
Hardy concedes reference to the traditional ending of Mark in
the writings of the early Church Fathers, including Justin Martyr, Irenaeus,
and Tertullian.
He downplays, however, the significance of and does not quote
the direct citation of Mark 16:19 in Irenaeus and his clear reference to the
fact that it comes from Mark’s ending [as cited in Lunn, The Original Ending of Mark p. 82]:
Also, towards the conclusion of his
Gospel, Mark says, “So then, after the Lord Jesus had spoken to them, he was
received up into heaven, and sits on the right hand of God”; confirming what
had been spoken by the prophet [Ps. 110:1]. (Haer. 3.10.5).
This citation from c. AD 175, makes it the earliest witness
to the ending of Mark.
I close this episode by citing Lunn’s conclusion after his
discussion of the external evidence for the ending of Mark:
For the vast majority of its history
the church as a body has pronounced in favor of this passage. The indications of doubt on the part of
Eusebius and the copyists of a small number of manuscripts do not reflect the
view of the church in general. Its
inclusion was unambiguously accepted from the earliest times, with the second
century fathers. The Byzantine, Vulgate,
and Peshitta texts, which were to hold sway in the principle sections of the
church for a thousand years or more, each embraced it. The humanist scholars and reformers of the
early sixteenth century all received it as authentic, it being published in the
Greek NT editions of Erasmus, Stephanus, Elzivir, and Beza. The Bible translation tradition set in motion
by Tyndale included it, the passage appearing in Coverdale’s version, the Great
Bible, the Anglican Bishops’ Bible, the Puritan Geneva Bible, the Catholic
Rheims-Douai version, as well as the King James Bible which came to dominate
the English-speaking world for the next three centuries. In the Great Awakening of the mid-eighteenth
century and other subsequent revivals of the Gospels were preached and read in
a form contained the final verses of Mark.
The great missionary movement of the early nineteenth century brought
about the translation of the NT into numerous languages of Africa, Asia,
Australasia, and the Americas. With the
received Greek text and the King James Bible as the only possible, and indeed
the only known base-texts, the longer version of Mark’s Gospel passed into the
hands of the indigenous churches. It was
not until the latter half of the nineteenth century that the long-established
acceptance of Mark 16:9-20 began to be seriously challenged in certain academic
quarters of the Western world. This
turn-around found its impetus in the re-discovery of Codices Vaticanus and
Sinaiticus, two manuscripts which, it should be remarked, had long lain unused
by the church. History shows therefore
that also in the matter of ecclesiastical tradition, or what may be termed “canonicity,”
the longer ending has received a clear stamp of approval (p. 115).
Lunn closes by noting the superiority of the longer ending,
based on external evidence, including its antiquity,
ubiquity, diversity, quantity, and canonicity (pp. 115-116).
JTR
Note: For a pdf of this post, look here.
JTR
Note: For a pdf of this post, look here.
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